The Syntax of Arabic (Cambridge Syntax Guides)

Contemporary learn at the syntax of Arabic has produced priceless literature at the significant syntactic phenomena present in the language. This advisor to Arabic syntax offers an outline of the foremost syntactic buildings in Arabic that experience featured in contemporary linguistic debates, and discusses the analyses supplied for them within the literature. A wide number of subject matters are lined, together with argument constitution, negation, stressful, contract phenomena, and resumption. The dialogue of every subject sums up the foremost learn effects and offers new issues of departure for additional learn. The e-book additionally contrasts usual Arabic with different Arabic forms spoken within the Arab global. an enticing consultant to Arabic syntax, this booklet could be valuable to graduate scholars drawn to Arabic grammar, in addition to syntactic theorists and typologists.

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C. sˇkun lli mˇsa/ mˇsat/ mˇsaw? Who that left. 3ms/ left. 3fs/ left. 3p ‘Who left? ’ therefore, in a traditional gapped wh-interrogative, wondering the topic involves that the verb seems to be with 3rd individual masculine singular (default) contract in Arabic; this isn't the case in a category II interrogative, as illustrated in (65c). the diversities defined above appear to recommend that the wh-word at school II interrogatives isn't at once regarding the resumptive pronominal contained in the sentence. that's, the resumptive point doesn't occupy the variable place reminiscent of the sentence preliminary wh-word. Shlonsky (2002) claims that, of their constitution, classification II interrogatives parallel identificational sentences the place the topic is wh-fronted, as could be visible by way of evaluating (66a) and (66b), in Lebanese Arabic. 6. four type II resumptive interrogatives (66) 151 a. sˇu (huwwe) l-ʔakl l-yom? what (he) the-food the-day ‘What is at the menu at the present time? ’ b. sˇu (huwwe) lli ra¯h teeklu-u l-yom? what (he) that fut. devour. 2p-it the-day ‘What is it that you're going to devour this day? ’ In either category II interrogatives and identificational sentences, the “pronominal copula” (Doron 1983) can seem, keeping apart the topic from the predicate. In such circumstances, the clause brought by means of the complementizer (ya)lli ‘that’ (66b) is analyzed as a unfastened relative, just like the ones in (67). thirteen (67) a. salma bit¯hibb lli ra¯h teeklu-u l-yom Salma likes. 3fs that fut. devour. 2p-it the-day ‘Salma likes what you are going to consume this day. ’ b. l-jnuud Darabu ʔilli ¯habasu-u the-army hit. 3p that arrested. 3p-him ‘The military beat up the only they arrested. ’ Lebanese Arabic Palestinian Arabic Shlonsky’s (2002) research of sophistication II interrogatives hence bills for the entire transformations that may be saw among these structures and wh-interrogatives concerning resumption, particularly, the presence of the relativizer at school II interrogatives, the acceptability of the Arabic similar of ‘what’ in these structures, and the contract proof with miin/man/ˇskun ‘who. ’ The clause headed via lli/yalli/ʔilli ‘that’ is analyzed via Shlonsky (2002) as a predicate taking a null pronominal as topic and sophistication II interrogatives are given the constitution in (68). 14 thirteen as well as the contract proof saw with category II resumptive interrogatives regarding miin ‘who,’ the separability of the wh-word from the relativizer lli offers proof that the wh-word in these structures isn't the head of the relative development. in truth, in restrictive relations, the top can't be separated from the relativizer by way of a pronoun, as illustrated within the distinction among (ia) and (ib): (i) a. *ˇsift l-walad huwwe lli xazzaʔ l-kteeb observed. 1s the-child he that tore. 3ms the-book ‘I observed the kid that tore up the ebook. ’ b. miin huwwe lli xazzaʔ l-kteeb? who he that tore. 3ms the-book ‘Who is it that tore up the ebook? ’ 14 See bankruptcy 7 for a unique research of the relativizer lli/yalli/ʔilli ‘that. ’ right here we're following Shlonsky (2002), the place the relativizer is analyzed as a complementizer and this element of the research doesn't impact the details we're attempting to make approximately type II interrogatives.

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