The focal point of this precise comparative learn is on political radicalism at its excessive aspect round the center of the 19th century, yet huge issues similar to exchange unionism, cooperation, socialism, and faith also are tested intensive. the writer argues that French and English radicalism didn't stem without delay from or replicate paintings and place of work kinfolk, yet in its place drew upon paintings teams and organisations, fabric issues, or social and non secular teams. Radicalism, he argues, was once a part of daily social existence, the day-by-day issues of which affected its practice--though frequently no longer its courses. Radicalism used to be additionally characterised by way of cultural variety, even though genuine varieties of association and motion frequently depended strongly at the political context and strategic offerings. The publication additionally deals reinterpretations of particular advancements and activities in either international locations.
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Extra resources for Radical Artisans in England and France, 1830-1870
Cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0 521 58299 7 (hardback: alk. paper) 1. Labor movement — England — History — 19th century. 2. Labor movement — France — History — 19th century. three. Tradeunions — England — History — 19th century. four. Tradeunions — France — History — 19th century. five. Artisans — England — Political activity — History — 19th century. 6. Artisans — France — Political activity — History — 19th century. 7. Radicalism — England — History — 19th century. eight. Radicalism — France — History — 19th century. I. name. HD8399. E52P76 1997 322'. 2'094109034—dc21 96—45550 CIP ISBN 0 521 58299 7 hardback eISBN 051100138x CE Page vii To my parents Marjorie and Iorwerth Prothero Page ix Contents Acknowledgements List of Abbreviations xiii advent 1 1 Artisans eight 2 Radicalisms 22 Radical Themes 22 Revolutionary Traditions 35 three Trade Unionism forty six Trade Societies forty nine Workplace Conflicts sixty two combos sixty nine Strikes, Employers, and the Law seventy seven Leadership and Reform eighty five four Work and Radicalism ninety four Trade Unions and Politics ninety four The Language of Conflict a hundred Political Mobilisation 104 perform 106 five Socialism a hundred and twenty Social Reform 126 State Socialism 128 Laissezfaire 131 Political Economy 134 Anticapitalism 137 Labour and Property 139 Altruism 141 6 Cooperation page xi one hundred forty five Cooperative Trading (coopération de consommation) 146 Mutuality 151 Cooperative Production a hundred and fifty five The Political Context 166 Page x 7 Class and Radicalism Material Concerns 179 Middle Classes one hundred eighty Class Terminology 186 Class Identity 189 Social Equality one hundred ninety Social Fear 196 eight Political Action and Organisation 202 conferences 203 Elections 212 The Press 215 institutions 222 nine Education and Civilisation 230 Radicalism As Education 230 Emancipation and Distinction 234 Poetry 241 10 Religions and Philosophy a hundred seventy five 246 Lay Religion 248 Anticlericalism 251 Christian Radicalism 252 Sects of Rational Religion 260 Aspects of Religious Socialism: Harmony, Property, Feminism, and Messianism 266 Science of the Spirit 272 eleven The Culture of Radical Clubs 281 destinations 283 Media 287 making a song 290 golf equipment 298 end 312 Notes 318 Select Bibliography 388 Index 414 Page xi Acknowledgements This work arises from an interest in comparative British and French labour history that developed in my early years as a lecturer in the History Department at the University of Manchester, where there was a tradition of English—French Special Subjects, one that I was strongly encouraged to continue by Professor Albert Goodwin. Later, on my first research trip to Paris, I was very fortunate to meet Rémi Gossez, who, showing no resentment at a foreign interloper, very generously shared with me his unrivalled knowledge of artisan trades and politics, and, above all, strongly encouraged me to put aside my doubts and embark on a comparative study of this magnitude. While I have not fulfilled his hope that I would exemplify the qualities of Edward Thompson and the English tradition of empirical economic history, I owe him an enormous debt.